Democratic Socialists Push Radical Overhaul of U.S. Government

A major left-wing group’s own official platform calls for abolishing the Senate, the Supreme Court, the presidency, ICE, and the police and prison system.

Story Snapshot

The Democratic Socialists of America’s 2024 program calls for scrapping the Electoral College, the Senate, ICE, and the police and prison system.
A DSA co-chair confirmed on camera that the group’s platform includes ending the presidency and Supreme Court as we know them.
DSA membership has grown from under 6,000 in 2016 to more than 120,000 today, giving the group real primary-election muscle.
Democratic strategists like James Carville warn the movement is too extreme to win outside safe blue districts.
DSA-backed candidates have won in heavily Democratic areas but have not yet flipped a truly competitive general election seat.

What the DSA Platform Actually Says

The Democratic Socialists of America’s official 2024 program does not hide its goals. The document calls for abolishing the Electoral College, fully ending the police and prison system, and replacing the president and Supreme Court with officials chosen by Congress instead of voters or lifetime appointment. These are not fringe rumors. They sit in the group’s own written platform.

Leaders Confirm It On Camera

When reporters asked DSA co-chair Megan Romer directly whether the platform includes abolishing the Senate, the presidency, the Supreme Court, ICE, national borders, and prisons, she answered true to each item. That on-record confirmation matters. It moves the debate from what critics claim the group believes to what a top DSA official openly admits the group believes.

Wisconsin state lawmaker Francesca Hong, a DSA-aligned candidate, has pushed proposals including state-run grocery stores and abolishing the Senate. Critics point to Abdul El-Sayed, backed by the group in Michigan’s Senate primary, as another example of how DSA support is reshaping Democratic primaries around bold structural change instead of incremental policy fights.

A Movement Growing Fast Enough to Worry Both Parties

DSA membership jumped from under 6,000 people in 2016 to more than 120,000 today. Bernie Sanders’ 2016 campaign, President Trump’s first term, and anger over Middle East conflicts all fueled that growth. That scale now lets DSA-backed candidates win primaries in solidly Democratic districts, though the group has yet to flip a major competitive general election seat.

Democrats Fight Among Themselves

Longtime Democratic strategist James Carville called the progressive left too hotheaded and warned the party could nominate the wrong candidates by embracing it. That kind of criticism from inside the party shows this is not just a Republican talking point. Many establishment Democrats worry DSA-style branding could cost them swing voters they need to win statewide and national races.

Money and Attention Fuel the Backlash

Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed faced an estimated 70 to 80 million dollars in opposition spending during his primary, much of it tied to groups defending his more moderate rival. That kind of financial pressure shows how seriously party insiders and outside donors are treating DSA-backed campaigns, even when those candidates win despite being heavily outspent.

What the Evidence Does Not Prove

The available record is strong on platform language and media reaction but thinner on proof that individual candidates are personally out of touch or coached into extremism. Much of the toughest criticism comes through partisan commentary rather than voter surveys or district-level data. No polling in the current record directly measures whether ordinary Americans view these candidates as dangerous or simply unfamiliar.

Why This Matters Beyond One Party

Frustration with Washington runs in both directions right now. Voters on the right worry about government overreach and radical social change. Voters on the left worry about a system rigged for donors and insiders. A movement that openly calls for scrapping the Senate, the presidency, and the courts forces both camps to ask the same question: who exactly gets to redesign American government, and who gets a vote on it?

As midterm primaries continue, DSA-backed candidates will keep testing whether bold structural demands help or hurt Democrats in competitive races. The party’s internal split, from Carville’s warnings to grassroots enthusiasm for figures like El-Sayed and Hong, shows this fight over identity and electability is far from settled heading into 2026 and beyond.